I must admit
that I do not like air travel and avoid it as much as I can. It’s not the
flying – I quite like that, apart from the fact that you can no longer smoke –
but all the things around it in terms of airports. Nevertheless, airports are
quite fascinating organizationally, as many studies attest (e.g. Knox et al.,
2008). They are on the one hand enormous, chaotic, global confluences of highly
disparate people and, on the other hand (or maybe the hands are linked), highly
regimented local spaces in which people are managed as flows or throughputs.
Because I
avoid it I am not a great expert on it, but having just flown (from London
Heathrow to Copenhagen) I have been thinking about the experience. None of
these thoughts is particularly original, of course. The first of them is,
indeed, how managed the process is. You are shepherded through a series of stages
from entry to seat. But, contrary to that, it is a strangely unpredictable
process. For different airports seem to have completely different rules – for example,
sometimes at security you must take your belt off, sometimes your shoes,
sometimes both, sometimes neither.
As well as
being unpredictable, there is a strange mixture of clarity and lack of clarity.
So, along with the regimentation, there are inaudible and, for that matter,
incomprehensible boarding announcements. For example, ticketing is now so
complex that as you board the plane there are announcements for a multiplicity
of different categories of passenger who may, or may not, go through the gate.
Perhaps if I were a ‘frequent flyer’ I would understand it, but that in itself
suggests that within the global democracy of air travel there are insiders and
outsiders.
One way that
this is manifest takes us back from the boarding gate to the check in. When I
first flew, that meant going to a desk and talking to a person. Now it is a
self-serve terminal, and even that seems like the option of those too technologically
lame to have responded to the emails and texts inviting you to check in
electronically. And at hand for the doubly lame is a uniformed assistant to
deal with the hopeless old crocks like me who can’t scan their passport
correctly. It all reminded me of something so different as to be an almost laughable
comparison to make: going to church and not being sure about when to stand, sit
or kneel, or when to make the appropriate gestures.
I’m certainly
not alone in my confusion. At the automated passport controls (which, to boast,
I managed effortlessly) there were numerous people who got stuck in the booth,
either unable to face the camera in the right way or unable to scan their
passports in the required manner. As a result, the line through the manned
booths moved much faster than through the automated ones, whereas presumably
the opposite was intended.
Between
check in, security, boarding and passport control there is of course the bulk
of the airport, and that would best be described not as an airport but as a
shopping mall. The nature of that has also changed in the course of what might,
at a stretch, be called my flying career. It used to be about buying duty free
goods, but at least within the EU, and at least as long as the UK is within the
EU, that function has disappeared. For me, now, all it means is the headaching
stench – so much worse than the smoking that is now forbidden – of multiple, promiscuously
mixed, perfumes.
All in all,
a dispiriting experience. Perhaps its strangest features are the occasional
hark back to what is sometimes called ‘the golden age of flying’, meaning, I
suppose, the twenty or so years after the Second World War when passenger air
travel got going but before mass tourism started. The uniformed staff greeting
you on board, for example. When did that last happen to you on a bus, which is
what a plane effectively is, when stripped of its trappings?
Reference
Knox, H., O'Doherty, D., Vurdubakis, T., & Westrup, C.
(2008). ‘Enacting airports: Space, movement and modes of ordering’, Organization
15, 6: 869-888.
Today’s post
is prompted by the story this week that Hillary
Clinton has had to take time off from campaigning because she has pneumonia.
In fact, she only took four days off – which, frankly, seems very little to
recover from pneumonia - but this has been seized on by her political opponents
as evidence that she is not up to the job of US President.
Although the
political reasons for this are obvious, it seems to me to fit with a wider
issue of the way that in the UK, at least, going off sick is frowned upon, and
worse. It can be taken as a sign of unreliability and lack of commitment. The Sports
Direct scandal revealed exactly this, with sick leave being counted against
workers, who as a result were too scared to take it. But that case is the tip
of a much larger iceberg. A 2015
survey found that one in four British workers were too afraid to take time
off when ill, and the study suggests that they are much less likely to do so than
workers in some other countries: in 2015 8.9% of British workers took more than
8 days sick leave compared with 25.3% of German workers.
If we
discount the idea that the British are inherently healthier than the Germans,
then it seems obvious that what is at issue is the politics and culture of work.
Organizationally, it links to the more brutal management and work conditions in
Britain, including the precarious employment terms discussed in my
last post. Certainly self-employed
workers take about half as much time off sick as those in employment.
British politicians
routinely berate the public sector in particular for having higher levels of
sick leave than the private sector even though both
have fallen steadily for the last 20 years according to the Office for National
Statistics. But Stephen Bevan of the Work Foundation and Lancaster
University Management School explains that this
difference (7.9 days per year in the public sector versus 5.5 days in the
private sector) can easily be understood. It isn’t that public sector
workers are malingerers, but a combination of the demographics, the more risky
occupations and the better recording of sick leave that exist within the public
sector.
In addition
to this, I think that there is a very macho issue around taking sick leave.
This seems evident in the debate about
Hillary Clinton illness but, more generally in the sense that it is somehow
‘soft’ or ‘wimpy’ to ‘give in’ and take time off. Real men power on through it.
The UK statistics bear this out, with women
losing 2.6% of working hours to sickness compared with 1.6% for men (2013
figures).
It seems
unlikely to me that it is any better for businesses than for individuals to
work when they are sick. They are likely to be less productive, and to infect
other workers. With the weather in Britain today having taken a decisive turn
to autumn, we are now entering the season of coughs and colds. Personally, I
find it intensely unpleasant if the people at work, in shops or on public
transport are spluttering and sneezing all over me. In 1945 there was a
splendidly amusing public information film (you can see it here)
warning that ‘coughs and sneezes spread diseases’ and instructing people to use
a handkerchief. Well, that’s fine so far as it goes, but much better for all
concerned to stay off sick until you get better, and for employers to support
that.
There has
been a
huge – 20% - rise in the number of workers in the UK on Zero Hours Contracts
(ZHCs) in the last year, bringing the total to about 900,000. It’s telling that
in the third edition of my book, published in 2012 but mainly written in 2011 I
did not mention ZHCs, which at that time were much less common and there were
perhaps only 200,000 workers on them in the UK. That is remedied in the fourth
edition that will be out later this year, of course, but even that will not
take account of this latest surge.
Lauded as
offering ‘flexibility’ for individuals, ZHCs are all about flexibility for
organizations: there are no guaranteed hours, it is labour on demand. And
although in the public mind they are associated with low-skill jobs like
cleaning and catering, they are also common in professional occupations such as
teaching and airline pilots.
It’s become
obligatory to say that ZHCs suit some people, but to foreground that is to
de-emphasise that in most cases they do not, and are a source of miserable
insecurity (for some experiences see here
and here).
But recently published research shows that they are also bad from a business
point of view, in terms of contributing to the long-term productivity problem
of UK business (Rubery,
Keizer & Grimshaw, 2016).
The worst
kinds of ZHCs – so-called exclusive ZHCs, which prevent workers taking
employment with other employers – have been banned in the UK. And, under great
political pressure, retailer Sports Direct (where over
90% of staff are on ZHCs) has
announced this week that it will give its employees (but not agency staff)
a choice between a ZHC and a guaranteed hours contract. But ZHCs are illegal
in New Zealand and (with some complexity of definition) in many
European countries.
Whilst ZHCs
have received a lot of media and political attention, what is perhaps even more
significant is the
rise in self-employment. This connotes an image of small entrepreneurs and
sturdy self-reliance of the sort lauded by free market ideologues. In fact, it
is largely to do with companies employing people as independent contractors –
often, people who were hitherto employees of the same companies they now
contact to – and the rise of the gig, or uber, economy. There are perhaps 5
million people in the UK who are self-employed.
I know from personal experience what the
insecurity of self-employment means because my father, after he left the army,
was a self-employed driving instructor during my childhood. That encompassed
periods when anything from illness to a heavy snowfall to the petrol shortages
during the 1973 oil
crisis, and in those periods he had no income and no savings and the
consequence was that our family had – almost literally - no food. But what I remember more from
those times than the lack of food is the pervasive worry that tomorrow there
would be no food at all. Nowadays, I’m insulated from such insecurity but when
I contribute to the local foodbank it’s because I remember what it means. In
the UK currently there are a million
people a year who use foodbanks, although this is probably an
underestimate. One of the key drivers is reported to be ‘insecure
work arrangements’ including ZHCs.
Readers of
this blog will be aware that I have posted many times about the EU, especially
in the run-up to the Referendum. This remains a topic of passionate interest to
me, the more so now that Britain has decided to leave the EU. However, it is
only indirectly related to the themes of the book to which this blog is
devoted.
So I have
today launched a new blog devoted entirely to the consequences of Brexit –
entitled the Brexit Blog
- and those interested can find
it here.
I’m just
back from holiday and, like many people, holidays are a chance to catch up on
reading – meaning reading novels, that is, as opposed to reading organization
studies. But for me that distinction is a rather false one. Perhaps it is a
reflection of my inability to let go of work, but I often find much in fiction
that is informative about organizational life, as I have
posted about in the past.
Anyway, the
pick of the crop this summer was Peter Hanington’s A
Dying Breed (2016), a murky story of murder and politics set in Afghanistan
with a BBC journalist as the hero. Since Hanington himself is a BBC journalist
who worked in Afghanistan, it has the ring of authenticity. Organizationally,
it is the depictions of the BBC – and in particular the flagship Radio 4 Today news programme - that are of
particular interest. Plenty of corporate backbiting is on display, along with
acerbic, thinly-veiled and distinctly unflattering portraits of some well-known
journalists.
Also
plausibly authentic are the ‘Liz Carlyle’ novels of Stella Rimington – former head
of MI5 – the latest being Breaking
Cover (2016), my next holiday read. The setting here is the ‘new Cold
War’ of UK-Russian relationships, along with the post-Snowden controversy over
data protection. The same setting also provides the plot for A
Divided Spy (2016) the latest ‘Thomas Kell’ novel in ex-MI6 officer
Charles Cumming’s series, which I also read.
Almost all
writers of espionage get compared with John Le Carré (also ex-MI6), and
Hanington, Rimington and Cumming are all blessed, or cursed, with this. There
is really no comparison, though. Cumming is more like Frederick Forsyth in his
heyday (not a bad accolade, of course), and none of them approaches the
multi-layered complexity – including the organizational complexity – of Le Carré’s
Smiley novels. Only Edward Wilson,
in his ‘Catesby’ series, comes close to that in my opinion, and alas there has
been no new addition to that series this year. Wilson also has a relevant
background, having served with distinction with the US special forces in
Vietnam.
Le Carré
aside, I don’t suppose that anyone would regard these authors as great writers.
Having inside knowledge doesn’t in itself make for good writing, and with the
exception of Wilson the books I’ve mentioned suffer in varying degrees from clichéd
characters and clunky plots. That isn’t to be snooty as they are all perfectly
good popular novels and, for me, perfect holiday reads; and in any case I
certainly couldn’t do better! My point is that what the authors’ insider
knowledge delivers isn’t necessarily literary merit but contextual, and
specifically organizational, plausibility.
That quality
of having ‘been there’ is generally lacking in the organization studies literature.
Ethnographies alone display it, but ethnographies are time-consuming and increasingly
rare because of the time pressures of academic research. Nor does it readily yield
a string of journal publications. Almost all qualitative research now is
interview-based, which isn’t necessarily a bad thing but rarely gives the reader
that sense of understanding a hitherto unknown world that ethnography – and fiction
– can deliver.
Nevertheless,
careful research and a dash of imagination can have the same effect. An example
is another of my holiday reads, Alan Furst’s A
Hero in France (2016). Furst is also an ex-journalist but the
historical settings (usually Europe during or just before the Second World War)
are necessarily researched rather than experienced. The research is sometimes
too obtrusive, it must be admitted, but in this latest book that is not so, and
there is a strong sense – almost a smell – of occupied Paris. Organizationally,
though, this story of the French Resistance is very different to that of the
BBC or of intelligence agencies. For how do you organize in secret?
And here I
return from holiday to work, as this is the theme of my chapter, with Jana
Costas, on ‘invisible organizations’ in A
Research Agenda for Management and Organization Studies edited by Barbara Czarniawska and published just two
days ago.