Britain
is engulfed in another scandal of the ‘political establishment’, this time
relating to allegations of a cover up of allegations of child abuse amongst politicians and possibly others, predominantly in the 1980s. This comes in the
wake of other scandals about child abuse in institutions such as the BBC, the Church and,
going back to politicians, those about fraudulent expenses claims that emerged in 2009.
It
is clearly right that these matters are scandalous and that they should be
investigated. At the same time, the way in which they are being configured is
misleading and potentially dangerous. It feeds into a kind of anti-politics
agenda, much in evidence on the political right, that the whole of the polity
is irredeemably tainted (thus, a poll shows that UKIP voters are by far the
most likely to think that the inquiry into the cover up allegations will not
deal with it properly). Apart from the obvious fact that there is no reason to
think that any and every politician has been engaged in these crimes, it poses
an equally obvious question: if political representatives are to be treated as
uniformly morally corrupt, who should wield political power? It is very easy to
see how against a background of indiscriminate assumptions of guilt a kind of
populist, anti-establishment ‘strong man’ could become an attractive
proposition. Since ‘they’ are all as bad as each other, where would be the
harm?
One
answer to that lies precisely in the fact that these scandals have emerged and
are being investigated. It may be slow, imperfect and in all kinds of ways
unsatisfactory but, still, it would be unlikely to happen but for the many
checks and balances, and the plural voices, of democratic and civil society. Cynically
ascribing corruption to the political system in general may sound sophisticated
and worldly, but in fact it is the opposite: it is naïve about the likely
alternatives to, and inattentive to the sophistication of, that political
system.
There
is another problem, too. The way that this is being presented as being about
the ‘establishment’ – meaning politicians, police, civil servants, clergy,
media and so on - is a highly misleading and in many respects outdated way of
understanding what ‘the establishment’ is and where power lies. It is the global elite and transnational corporations who are the true establishment, and
they lie far beyond public inquiries or, even, the law. It is easy to whip up
populist sentiment against what are, certainly, local elites but in doing so
the rather harder targets are equally easily ignored. For that matter, the many
interconnections between these local and global elites – for example the
relationship between former politicians and civil servants and the outsourcing
firms who receive government contracts – are also ignored.
I hope
that no one reading this will think that I am arguing that present and past
child abuse scandals should not be investigated and the perpetrators, or those
who protected them, brought to justice. I am not. But in doing so we should keep a sense of
proportion about what it means for the viability of democratic political
institutions and an awareness that beyond the easily-identifiable traditional
elite lie a new elite whose names are rarely in the newspapers and whose
actions are rarely scrutinised.
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